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Strongly colored complexes are also formed in reaction with antimony trichloride (Nuhn 1990:490-93) skin care images generic aldara 5percent. None of the yellow or green fibers of the samples submitted gave evidence of being dyed with a carotenoid substance; therefore acne 8 days before period proven 5percent aldara, an attempt was undertaken to establish the presence of flavonoid colorants skin care summer trusted 5percent aldara. The search for flavonoid colorants was accomplished by hydrolysis with hydrochloric acid for 30-40 minutes at ambient temperature acne reviews buy aldara 5percent. The dry extract was then redissolved in methanol, which was again heated and evaporated. The dilution with methanol and evaporation were repeated until the yellow extract in methanol had a pH of at least 5. The magenta and pink colorants of the silk brocaded patterns in this huнpil from San Bartolo Yautepec were indentified as synthetic. Although the colors appear the same as those in other textiles from this area, the spectral characteristics for the samples of this huнpil are different from the known synthetic Magenta dye identified in other examples. Detail of a San Bartolo Yautepec huнpil shows magenta and pink silk thread, which was dyed with a synthetic colorant having no known reference. The presence of an unreferenced synthetic dye may confirm the assumption that this huipil is older than the other examples from San Bartolo Yautepec. The bright pink silk stripes, the strongest feature of the overall pattern, were found to be from a synthetic dye called Rhodamme B (c. The Analysis of Dyestuffs on Historical Textiles from Mexico 81 Flavonoid substances contain conjugated aromatic systems and thus show intense absorption bands and fluorescence in the ultraviolet and visible regions of the spectrum. This characteristic makes them particularly suitable for spectrometric identification. Since the flavonoid-type plant dyes usually consist of different coloring components, they may show different spectral characteristics. This also makes them good candidates for identification by fluorescence spectrophotometry (Jatkar and Mattoo 1956a, 1956b; Wallert 1995). The changes in absorption and fluorescence of the sample -directly measured or on treatment with reagents such as aluminum chloride, sodium methoxide, and 2-amino ethyl diphenyl borate-make it possible to detect the presence of flavonoid substances, even in extremely small quantities. From all the samples that were examined, it was only possible to identify the presence of flavonoid-type colorants in two items - in the dark green of another set of tlacoyalee from the Valley of Oaxaca (no cat. This came as a surprise, as all the other colorants of that object appeared to be of modern, synthetic nature. Sixteenthcentury chronicles describe a "natural" yellow colorant (perhaps a flavonoid) combined with a "natural" blue colorant (perhaps indigo) to make a green colorant. Weavers may have experimented with mixing organic colorants with synthetic colorants to achieve similar results. A few threads of the samples are placed in test tubes and treated with a mixture of 5% sodium hydroxide and 5% sodium dithionite solution. The blue components in the samples are thus reduced off from the fibers into their colorless leuco forms. When the chemically reduced sample in the solution with ethyl acetate is shaken, the indigoid component oxidizes again and dissolves in the separate organic phase. Absorption spectrometry of this organic phase for the Indigofera tinctoria blue standard shows distinct spectra with maxima at 260 nm and 600 nm and a shoulder at 275 nm. Direct extraction in pyridine followed by absorption spectrometry results in a maximum at 611 nm for indigotin and 606 nm for dibromoindigo (Daniels 1987). This was demonstrated by the analysis of a light bluish purple from the rebozo from San Pedro Ouiatoni (cat. It has already been mentioned that the deep reds in these two textiles were made of cochineal. Since the shellfish purple is a 6,6-dibromoindigo, the finding of large quantities of bromine may confirm our identification. The finding of high peaks for bromine alone, however, may not in itself be taken as an unambiguous identification of shellfish dye. Its absorption spectrum in pyridine with maxima at 585 nm, 329 nm, and 351 nm did not sufficiently match the standard for shellfish purple. Later chromatographic examination made it possible to identify the dye as Amido Black (C.

In some cases skin care 4men wendy effective aldara 5percent, linguists have distinguished separate languages within a group acne 6 months after stopping pill quality 5percent aldara, as in coastal and highland Chontal acne neutrogena safe aldara 5percent. In other instances acne out biotrade cheap 5percent aldara, as in Mixtee, continuous dialect variation from village to village makes for a highly differentiated complex with few clearly defined subgroups. It is for this reason that estimates of the number of indigenous languages spoken in Oaxaca vary between fifteen and over a hundred. The distribution and dialectal variation of the languages of Oaxaca reflect a complicated history of population flux, with the expansion of some linguistic groups (and the retraction of other groups) followed by internal diversification. These processes are exemplified by the evolution of Zapotee and Mixtee, the two largest language groups in Oaxaca. Apparently originating in the highland valleys of the interior, proto-Zapotee and proto-Mixtec spread steadily over the surrounding areas, splitting into numerous dialect groups (Winter et al. Internal differentiation of these languages has been correlated with specific events that have been documented archaeologically, such as the appearance of new settlements on the periphery Threat of Diversity 95 of the sphere of influence of the ancient city of Monte Albбn during the Classic period and the development of warring city-states in the Mixtee region during the Postclassic (Winter 1989). Linguistic, ethnic, and political boundaries shifted and overlapped at various times, and early colonial records point to the existence of preHispanic states that crossed language lines (Acuсa 1984, 2:185), as well as communities where more than one language or dialect was spoken (Acuсa 1984, 2:220, 281-85). After the Spanish conquest, cultural and linguistic fragmentation was exacerbated. The huge loss of life from the devastating diseases introduced from the Old World reduced densely populated areas to small, increasingly isolated communities. Spanish settlers and African slaves, as well as Nбhuatl speakers from Central Mexico, formed enclaves in a few areas of Oaxaca that came to constitute cultural wedges between indigenous peoples. In contemporary Oaxaca, ethnic identity varies widely from situations in which kinship and ritual ties between communities are strong, dialectal differences are minimal, and people of different communities have a clear sense of forming a distinct group to cases in which primary loyalty is to the local community, dialectal differences are significant (in some cases even exaggerated by rival villages), and the townspeople have only a weak sense of belonging to a larger people (Barabas and Bartolomй 1986:77-84). It is mainly in recent decades -in a movement correlated with extensive migration of indigenous families for work in northern Mexico and the United States -that a sense of ethnic affiliation beyond the local community has begun to strengthen among larger groups, such as the Mixtee and Zapotee. This renewal of ethnic identity is largely a response to economic exploitation and discrimination faced by indigenous migrants (Nagengast and Kearney 1990). Enmeshed in the complex dynamics of group identity in Oaxaca are the shifting definitions of indigenous versus nonindigenous, "mestizo" ethnicity. The ambiguities and contradictions inherent in categorizing who is indigenous in Mexico account partly for the large disparities in population estimates of the ethnic groups of Oaxaca today. The national census counts as indнgena** only individuals above five years of age who speak an indigenous language. Yet the reliance on language as a marker of ethnicity has 7 been called into question -after all, there are large areas where indigenous languages have disappeared only recently and where people nevertheless maintain various expressions of traditional culture and a sense of indigenous identity. The inclusion of such communities in the official census would raise the number of Indнgenas considerably, making them by far the majority of the population of the state (Barabas and Bartolomй 1986:19-24). Distinctions in costume correlate closely with local community and dialect rather than with larger regional or ethnic divisions. Adjacent communities speaking closely related variants of the same language often differ markedly in clothing;8 in some cases, the differences were accentuated dramatically in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as some communities adopted garments and styles of nonindigenous Mexican dress of different periods,9 while neighboring communities retained earlier forms of clothing. Even among the smaller ethnic groups, where costume tends to be more uniform, subtle differences usually distinguish individual communities. Ethnographic study, including textile research, has focused on the indigenous groups of Oaxaca (as defined by language) to the neglect of the mestizo population. Until quite recently, however, weaving and distinctive clothing were not restricted to indigenous villages. Interesting textiles were produced in Spanish-speaking communities, including the city of Oaxaca itself, where some traditional cotton fabrics continue to be woven on treadle looms, and the African-Mexican communities on the Pacific coast in southwestern Oaxaca. Except for a pioneering monograph on the town of Cuajinicuilapa in Guerrero (Aguirre Beltrбn 1958), the culture of the morenos (dark-skinned people -a term that is not derogatory) of southern Mexico is poorly documented. Their cultural history, modes of subsistence, technology, and arts, among other aspects, call for further study. As late as the 1960s, African-Mexican women on the coast of Oaxaca made beautiful, distinctive textiles of handspun cotton woven on the backstrap loom. Very few fabrics, mostly minute precolumbian fragments and some colonial Lienzos ^ manuscripts painted on cotton cloth -have survived from periods earlier than the late nineteenth century but there is considerable information on clothing and adornment in the precolumbian and early colonial codices from Oaxaca, as well as in the vast colonial literature and archives. Garments depicted on murals, ceramics, and stone sculptures and engravings from the precolumbian period, as well as in colonial and nineteenth-century paintings, add to the information from the documents.

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Each resident is expected to take an active role in at least one research project during their residency acne 2004 quality 5percent aldara. We want every resident to understand that he or she is an important participant in our program acne and dairy effective aldara 5percent. Do not hesitate to ask for help from your colleagues acne 4 weeks pregnant cheap aldara 5percent, staff skin care lines for estheticians purchase aldara 5percent, and especially your chiefs. We are an innovative, vibrant, and dynamic community comprised of five health sciences schools ­ the Long School of Medicine, the Graduate School of Biomedical Sciences, the School of Nursing, the School of Dentistry, and the School of Health Professions. Anderson Mays Cancer Center, the only National Cancer Institute-designated cancer center in South Texas. As the only civilian academic medical center and civilian Level I Trauma Center in the region for adults and pediatrics, we develop the knowledge, people, processes, and medicine to make health happen for our community and beyond. Critical to the success of our institution is the Graduate Medical Education enterprise. With over 850 residents and fellows representing over 80 specialties, we are steadfastly committed to training the next generation of outstanding physicians. The Long School of Medicine was recently recognized as a finalist for the Spencer Foreman Award for Outstanding Community Service by the Association of American Medical Colleges. As the Office for Graduate Medical Education at this premier institution, we are here to support you, our training programs, and most importantly the patients we serve through our outstanding training programs, faculty, and clinical learning environments. Machiavelli, the Prince Radiology faculty members, future employers of radiologists, and radiology residents all have a keen interest in clearly understanding what makes a great resident. To hit a target, it is necessary to see it clearly, and the characteristics of great residents can serve as a target for both faculty members and trainees throughout the 4 years of radiology training. Even if our loftiest goals are not always achieved, their constant presence helps us reach a higher level of performance than we otherwise would. For some radiology residents, the transition from medical school to residency is difficult. Throughout college and medical school, we grow accustomed to a system with relatively clear performance expectations-a system in which evaluations are frequent and unequivocal. By tracking our performance on each examination, we can readily determine whether we were meeting the standard. In contrast, many residency programs provide less clear-cut feedback, less regularly. As a result, radiology residents may be less likely than college and medical students to understand what is expected of them and how well they are performing. If radiology residency programs are to equip trainees with the knowledge they need to thrive during their training, it is vital that radiology educators develop and articulate a clear vision of resident performance-a vision that extends beyond mere competence to excellence. Optimal residency training also prepares residents to provide outstanding diagnostic, consultative, and patient service, and thus to achieve the highest levels of clinical practice. Furthermore, in the area of research, it is vital that some graduates do more than simply apply extant knowledge to patient care. They must challenge and extend the frontiers of radiology, continually renewing its knowledge base to support the work of the next generation of radiologists. In education, we must encourage the formation of academic radiologists who look beyond standardized test scores, by providing residents with training that addresses the full range of radiology-related activities, including those that are not assessed on the standard examinations. In each of these spheres-patient care, research, and education-we should foster excellence, as opposed to mere adequacy. Yet this can be among the most fruitful topics for a residency program to address. Even if no formal, written vision is ever articulated, the conversation itself can be immensely valuable, helping residents and faculty develop a clearer idea of what they are trying to accomplish. Some radiology educators might tweak this list in one or another respect, adding an item or two here or there and perhaps modifying others. The purpose of developing such a profile is not to present a final and immutable decree, but to stimulate discussion among residents and faculty about their own vision of excellence in radiology residency. To begin with, let us consider two relatively established and widely recognized characteristics of great residents. They tend to know more than most other trainees with a comparable level of experience. For one thing, they tend to have a better recall for basic facts of radiology, the information contained in textbooks. When they read, they do so with a view toward the potential usefulness of what they are reading.

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