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The Freedom Rides in 1961 forced the Kennedy administration to dispatch federal marshals to Montgomery pulse pressure variation 20mg vasodilan, Alabama to protect the demonstrators arteria ductus deferentis order vasodilan 20mg. A year later arrhythmia cause proven vasodilan 20 mg, the president had to deploy federal troops to Oxford blood pressure numbers chart order 20mg vasodilan, Mississippi to quell a riot that erupted after James Meredith became the first African American to gain admission to the state university campus. Still, the president and his brother Robert, whom he had appointed attorney general, preferred to keep federal force out of the South and defuse potential crises through appealing to southern officials to obey the law of the land. Because they recognized that mass demonstrations to desegregate public accommodations and schools tended to provoke unruly confrontations between blacks and whites, the Kennedys sought a more orderly means of promoting civil rights without attracting unflattering headlines. With his brother in charge of the Justice Department, the president intended to use the courts to make its presence in Dixie lightly felt and to avoid loud confrontations that protests for desegregation could provoke. The Civil Rights Division, led by Assistant Attorney General Burke Marshall and his top aide John Doar, sent lawyers into those southern communities with the worst records of black enrollment. Kennedy and the Second Reconstruction (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), passim. On September 9, 1961, the Civil Rights Commission once again issued a report that embarrassed the White House, pushing it to introduce a new remedial suffrage measure. After holding extensive hearings in New Orleans, the commission found that southern registrars "have built a fortress against Negro registration with such procedural impediments as interpretation of the Constitution, identification, calculation of age, and filling in application blanks. Instead, it recommended passage of legislation requiring state registrars to automatically accept six grades of formal schooling as proof of literacy. First, it supported a constitutional amendment to prohibit poll taxes as a voting qualification, but limited it only to federal elections. Introducing this proposal did not break any new ground, which perhaps explains why it proved successful. In 1964, the states ratified the Twenty-fourth Amendment incorporating the Kennedy anti-poll tax language. The measure established a sixth grade education as the standard to prove literacy in registration and voting in federal elections. The usual southern opposition formed to derail the proposal by waging a filibuster. Unlike successful attempts in 1957 and 1960, the Kennedy administration declined to make a fight to impose cloture. To push civil rights activists off the streets, the president offered them financial incentives to undertake voter registration drives backed by Justice Department litigation. Assistant Attorney General Marshall and White House civil rights advisor Harris Wofford persuaded several philanthropic foundations to finance suffrage campaigns. Headquartered in Atlanta, by the early 1960s the group publicly endorsed desegregation and enfranchisement. Wiley Branton, an Arkansas lawyer who had represented nine black students in their attempt to integrate Central High School in Little Rock in 1957, was appointed director of the project. In 1959, the Supreme Court had ruled that North Carolina could impose a literacy test for voting to promote intelligent use of the ballot. This ruling, however, did not suggest that the federal government lacked the power to establish an impartial standard to demonstrate literacy. The civil rights participants heard Burke Marshall commit the Justice Department to take whatever steps were necessary to safeguard their constitutional rights during the registration drives. In all likelihood, he never envisioned the kind of support civil rights activists wanted and needed to achieve their goals, especially in those sections of the South where they encountered massive resistance. Its determination to secure voting rights through the courts also fell short of the mark. With a Democrat in the White House, the policy of "senatorial courtesy" required the president to consult with senators from his party in the upper chamber before making appointments of federal judges from their states. Because James Eastland of Mississippi chaired the Judiciary Committee, which had to clear judicial appointments before they reached the Senate floor, the power of the segregationists was formidable.


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